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Speech of governor coe i. crawford: delivered at eureka, s. d., december 2, 1907 (classic reprint) - Speech of Governor Coe I. Crawford : delivered at Eureka.



Censorship in Turkey is regulated by domestic and international legislation, the latter (in theory) taking precedence over domestic law, according to Article 90 of the Constitution of Turkey (so amended in 2004). [1]

Despite legal provisions, media freedom in Turkey has steadily deteriorated from 2010 onwards, with a precipitous decline following the attempted coup in July 2016 . [2] [3] President Tayyip Erdoğan has arrested hundreds of journalists, closed or taken over dozens of media outlets, and prevented journalists and their families from traveling. By some accounts, Turkey currently accounts for one-third of all journalists imprisoned around the world. [4]

Since 2013, Freedom House ranks Turkey as "Not Free". [2] Reporters Without Borders ranked Turkey at the 149th place out of over 180 countries, between Mexico and DR Congo , with a score of 44.16. [5] In the third quarter of 2015, the independent Turkish press agency Bianet recorded a strengthening of attacks on the opposition media during the AKP interim government. [6] Bianet's final 2015 monitoring report confirmed this trend and underlined that once regained majority after the AKP interim government period, the Turkish government further intensified its pressure on the country's media. [7]

Financial crises do not always emerge in the same form. Thus, we should bear in mind that signs of financial crises will lurk in various forms depending on economic and financial conditions of the time. It is important to accurately assess such potential vulnerabilities of the financial system from a macroprudential perspective and take appropriate policy measures. Even if these measures are extraordinary or unconventional based on historical standards, the Bank should take these measures when necessary to ensure financial system stability.

Before going into a detailed explanation about the potential vulnerabilities of Japan's financial system, let me first talk about macroprudential policy.

If the financial cycle becomes large in magnitude or many financial institutions become more interconnected by increasing common exposure or forming mutual asset-liability arrangements, systemic risk will emerge and spread within the financial system. The objective of macroprudential policy is to strengthen the resilience of the financial system and contain systemic risk.

The Fellowship , also known as The Family , [2] [3] [4] and the International Foundation [5] is a U.S.-based religious and political organization founded in 1935 by Abraham Vereide . The stated purpose of the Fellowship is to provide a fellowship forum for decision makers to share in Bible studies , prayer meetings , worship experiences, and to experience spiritual affirmation and support. [6] [7]

The Fellowship has been described as one of the most politically well-connected ministries in the United States. The Fellowship shuns publicity and its members share a vow of secrecy. [8] The Fellowship's leader Douglas Coe and others have explained the organization's desire for secrecy by citing biblical admonitions against public displays of good works, insisting they would not be able to tackle diplomatically sensitive missions if they drew public attention. [8]

The Fellowship holds one regular public event each year, the National Prayer Breakfast held in Washington, D.C. Every sitting United States president since Dwight D. Eisenhower has participated in at least one National Prayer Breakfast during his term. [9] [10] [11] [12]

Censorship in Turkey is regulated by domestic and international legislation, the latter (in theory) taking precedence over domestic law, according to Article 90 of the Constitution of Turkey (so amended in 2004). [1]

Despite legal provisions, media freedom in Turkey has steadily deteriorated from 2010 onwards, with a precipitous decline following the attempted coup in July 2016 . [2] [3] President Tayyip Erdoğan has arrested hundreds of journalists, closed or taken over dozens of media outlets, and prevented journalists and their families from traveling. By some accounts, Turkey currently accounts for one-third of all journalists imprisoned around the world. [4]

Since 2013, Freedom House ranks Turkey as "Not Free". [2] Reporters Without Borders ranked Turkey at the 149th place out of over 180 countries, between Mexico and DR Congo , with a score of 44.16. [5] In the third quarter of 2015, the independent Turkish press agency Bianet recorded a strengthening of attacks on the opposition media during the AKP interim government. [6] Bianet's final 2015 monitoring report confirmed this trend and underlined that once regained majority after the AKP interim government period, the Turkish government further intensified its pressure on the country's media. [7]

Censorship in Turkey is regulated by domestic and international legislation, the latter (in theory) taking precedence over domestic law, according to Article 90 of the Constitution of Turkey (so amended in 2004). [1]

Despite legal provisions, media freedom in Turkey has steadily deteriorated from 2010 onwards, with a precipitous decline following the attempted coup in July 2016 . [2] [3] President Tayyip Erdoğan has arrested hundreds of journalists, closed or taken over dozens of media outlets, and prevented journalists and their families from traveling. By some accounts, Turkey currently accounts for one-third of all journalists imprisoned around the world. [4]

Since 2013, Freedom House ranks Turkey as "Not Free". [2] Reporters Without Borders ranked Turkey at the 149th place out of over 180 countries, between Mexico and DR Congo , with a score of 44.16. [5] In the third quarter of 2015, the independent Turkish press agency Bianet recorded a strengthening of attacks on the opposition media during the AKP interim government. [6] Bianet's final 2015 monitoring report confirmed this trend and underlined that once regained majority after the AKP interim government period, the Turkish government further intensified its pressure on the country's media. [7]

Financial crises do not always emerge in the same form. Thus, we should bear in mind that signs of financial crises will lurk in various forms depending on economic and financial conditions of the time. It is important to accurately assess such potential vulnerabilities of the financial system from a macroprudential perspective and take appropriate policy measures. Even if these measures are extraordinary or unconventional based on historical standards, the Bank should take these measures when necessary to ensure financial system stability.

Before going into a detailed explanation about the potential vulnerabilities of Japan's financial system, let me first talk about macroprudential policy.

If the financial cycle becomes large in magnitude or many financial institutions become more interconnected by increasing common exposure or forming mutual asset-liability arrangements, systemic risk will emerge and spread within the financial system. The objective of macroprudential policy is to strengthen the resilience of the financial system and contain systemic risk.


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